Showing posts with label Obama kick backs. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Obama kick backs. Show all posts

Friday, October 18, 2019

2011 Obama bought Russian helicopters for Afghan military with US TAX PAYER DOLLARS! Follow the Obama Kick Backs. Follow the Money

US Defense Department under Obama bought  Russian helicopters for Afghan military with US TAX PAYER DOLLARS!

 

WHO IS Rosoboronexport.. http://roe.ru/eng/    they are the dealers who arranged the Obama Deal. They refuse anyone to look at their books in 2011. Follow the money people.

 I FOUND THIS FROM 2013. Follow the money! Every Deal that Obama and his gang of thugs made had a "Kick Back" Component. 30% going to his Coffers. That is why the Cabal is determined to get Trump and his investigators out before all this is exposed!

I Remember when Obama said this ... ?




The Pentagon bypassed US helicopter makers, choosing to spend more than $1 billion on dozens of Russian Mi-17 helicopters. A study shows the Chinook built by Boeing is a better fit.


From December 7, 2013

The deal looked sketchy from the start.
To outfit Afghanistan's security forces with new helicopters, the Pentagon bypassed U.S. companies and turned instead to Moscow for dozens of Russian Mi-17 rotorcraft at a cost of more than $1 billion.
Senior Pentagon officials assured skeptical members of Congress that the Defense Department had made the right call. They repeatedly cited a top-secret 2010 study they said named the Mi-17 as the superior choice.

Turns out the study told a very different story, according to unclassified excerpts obtained by The Associated Press.
An American-made helicopter, the U.S. Army's workhorse Chinook built by Boeing in Pennsylvania, was found to be "the most cost-effective single platform type fleet for the Afghan Air Force over a twenty year" period, according to the excerpts.

 

Lawmakers who closely had followed the copter deal were stunned.
Sen. John Cornyn of Texas, the Senate's No. 2 GOP leader and one of the most vocal critics of the contract, said the Department of Defense "repeatedly and disingenuously" used the study to prove the necessity of buying Mi-17s.
More than two years since the Mi-17 contract was signed, a veil of secrecy still obscures the pact despite its high-dollar value, the potential for fraud and waste, and accusations the Pentagon muffled important information. The unprecedented arms deal also serves as a reminder to a war-weary American public that Afghanistan will remain heavily dependent on U.S. financial support even after its combat troops depart.

"So why are we buying Russian helicopters when there are American manufacturers that can meet that very same requirement?" Cornyn asked. "Makes no sense whatsoever and the Department of Defense has steadfastly refused to cooperate with reasonable inquiries into why in the world they continue to persist along this pathway."
As recently as September, Deputy Defense Secretary Ashton Carter cited the study in a letter to House members defending the decision. Carter left his job this past week.

Last year, Frank Kendall, the Pentagon's top acquisition official, and policy chief James Miller pointed to the study in a written response to questions posed by Cornyn.

Just a few weeks after the secret study was completed, Army Secretary John McHugh wrote in a 2011 memo "that the Mi-17 stands apart" when compared with other helicopters.
The "Pentagon" denies it misled Congress.
Who in the Pentagon.. find the people and check their tax returns and you will find payments.
A senior department official said the study was focused on long-term requirements and not the immediate needs of the Afghan military, which were best met by the Mi-17. Also, U.S. commanders in Afghanistan wanted the Mi-17 because it is durable, easy-to-operate and the Afghan forces had experience flying it, according to the official, who was not authorized to be identified as the source of the information.
The war in Afghanistan, now in its 13th year, has been full of paradoxes.
What was once President Barack Obama's "war of necessity" has become a race for the exits. Hopes of eradicating the Taliban and transforming Afghanistan into a viable state have been dialed down. U.S. combat forces are scheduled to depart by the end of next year, leaving the Afghans responsible for ensuring the country doesn't collapse into the pre-Sept. 11 chaos that made it a terrorist haven.
There's no dispute that heavy-duty helicopters capable of quickly moving Afghan troops and supplies are essential to accomplishing that mission. But the decision to acquire them from Russia has achieved the rare feat in a deeply divided Congress of finding common ground among Republicans and Democrats.

Why, lawmakers from both political parties have demanded, is the U.S. purchasing military gear from Russia?

After all, Russia has sold advanced weapons to repressive government in Syria and Iran, sheltered NSA leaker Edward Snowden, and been criticized by the State Department for adopting laws that restrict human rights.

On top of all that, corruption is rampant in Russia's defense industry, heightening concerns that crooked government officials and contractors are lining their pockets with American money.

"We're not dealing with a corrupt system. Corruption is the system," said Stephen Blank, a Russia expert at the American Foreign Policy Council, a Washington think tank. "This is not a world we're familiar with."

Overall, 63 Mi-17s are being acquired through the 2011 contract. It was awarded without competition to Russia's arms export agency, Rosoboronexport, even though the Pentagon condemned the agency after Syrian President Bashar Assad's forces used Russian weapons to "murder Syrian civilians."

Rep. Rosa DeLauro of Connecticut, a high-ranking Democrat on the House Appropriations Committee, said the arrangement has put American taxpayers in the intolerable position of subsidizing a company complicit in the atrocities occurring in Syria.

"The lack of straightforward information from the Pentagon on the ability of American-made helicopters to meet the mission in Afghanistan is but another factor severely undermining their credibility and justification for pursuing this sorely misguided procurement," DeLauro said.
No Pentagon official was made available to speak on the record for this story.

The AP also requested in late October that the department release unclassified portions of the 2010 study and other records supporting the decision to buy Mi-17s instead of Chinooks or other helicopters. The department provided only a one-page summary of a report that provided no new information.

Afghanistan's mountainous terrain demands a helicopter capable of operating in the most rugged conditions at altitudes well in excess of 15,000 feet. The Mi-17 met all these requirements, Carter and other U.S. military officials told lawmakers in correspondence and in testimony.
But so could the heavyweight Chinook. The Boeing helicopter is larger than its Russian counterpart, carries up to a 26,000 pound payload, which is twice as much as the Mi-17, and can operate at nearly the same high altitude.

The armed Mi-17s being purchased for Afghanistan from Rosoboronexport will replace older and less capable Mi-17s that the U.S. and other countries had purchased from brokers and contractors through the open market and then donated or loaned to the Afghans.
The fact that the Afghan forces had years of experience flying the Mi-17 figured prominently in the Pentagon's decision.
Carter and other U.S. defense official contended that adding the Boeing helicopter to the mix would unnecessarily burden the Afghans with having to learn how to operate and maintain an unfamiliar helicopter.
The 2010 study "specifically analyzed the opportunity for DOD to provide a U.S. alternative to the Mi-17 for Afghanistan," according to the excerpts.
It outlined a transitional approach in which Chinooks being retired from the U.S. military's fleet would be available in late 2013 to be refurbished and then replace older Mi-17s in the Afghan fleet, according to the excerpts. A combination of Mi-17s and renovated Chinooks, known in the Army's nomenclature as the CH-47D, could work as well.
The 2010 study advised proceeding cautiously. Shifting too quickly away from the Mi-17s already in use could undermine progress made in training the Afghan air force, the excerpts said. But it recommended a plan for converting the Afghan forces from a "pure" Mi-17 fleet to one that uses US helicopters.
The Chinook option never materialized.
An extensive analysis of both helicopters concluded that a refurbished Chinook would cost about 40 percent more overall to buy and maintain than the Mi-17, said the senior defense official.
That's hard to fathom.
Boeing executives informed congressional staff during a meeting held in late September that the cost of a refurbished CH-47D would be in the $12 million to $14 million range, according to a person knowledgeable about the discussion but not authorized to be identified as the source of the information.
That would make an overhauled Chinook $4 million to $6 million less than what the department is currently paying for Mi-17s, according to figures compiled by the Joint Rapid Acquisition Cell, the Pentagon office that fills urgent requests for equipment from battlefield commanders.
Boeing spokesman Andrew Lee referred questions about Chinook costs to the Defense Department
The figures also show the average cost of each new Mi-17 has increased with each successive order — from $16.4 million to $18.2 million. The Pentagon has assured Congress that the prices were "fair and reasonable," and in line with what other countries have paid.
But an internal Defense Contract Audit Agency document shows that the department could not conduct a comprehensive cost comparison because Rosoboronexport wouldn't allow U.S. auditors to look at its books.
Army negotiators omitted a provision standard in government contracts that permits pricing reviews. In examining the contract, the audit agency noted that Rosoboronexport "is arguably an agent or instrumentality of a foreign government, and is therefore exempt from most cost accounting standards."
Rosoboronexport's director general, Anatoly Isaykin, said in statement late last month that his agency was "completely transparent" in negotiating Mi-17 prices with the U.S. He provided no details on costs or any examples of transparency.
"In our opinion this contract is most acceptable to the U.S. Department of Defense in terms of quality/price ratio," Isaykin said.
The roots of Rosoboronexport's involvement reach back to 2010 when the U.S. and Russia were engaged in high-stakes diplomacy aimed at fulfilling Obama's goal to reset relations between the two former Cold War foes.
Dmitry Medvedev was Russia's president, not Vladimir Putin, and the talks resulted in agreements to expand cooperation on global security issues and strengthen economic ties.
Among the breakthroughs: The U.S. terminated penalties against Rosoboronexport that the Bush White House had imposed in 2006 after the State Department determined the export agency had provided Iran and Syria sensitive military technology. The sanctions had barred the U.S. government from entering into any contracts with Rosoboronexport. Russia agreed to support a U.N. resolution to punish Iran over its nuclear program.
Headquartered in Moscow, Rosoboronexport is the only Russian agency authorized to export and import military hardware. The agency is controlled in turn by Russian Technologies, a state holding company that includes the country's top arms manufacturers. The chief executive of Russian Technologies is Sergei Chemezov, a longtime confidant of Putin, who returned to the Russian presidency last year.
U.S. officials long have known corruption in Russia's defense industry is widespread.
William Burns, then the U.S. ambassador to Russia, wrote in a 2007 classified cable later published by the Wikileaks website that "it is an open secret that the Russian defense industry is an important trough at which senior officials feed, and weapons sales continue to enrich many."
Nothing has changed, but figuring out who is personally profiting is nearly impossible, said Russia expert Clifford Gaddy.
Only a small circle of investigators close to the Kremlin know who is involved in various schemes.
"Since the information they have is one of the most powerful instruments Putin has to control the individuals who run Russia on a day-to-day basis, they protect that information," said Gaddy, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution and co-author of "Mr. Putin: Operative in the Kremlin."
With the penalties lifted against Rosoboronexport, Russia's ministry of foreign affairs wasted little time informing U.S. officials that new Mi-17s could be purchased only through the arms export agency because the helicopters were military gear intended for another country's armed forces.
After lengthy deliberations, the U.S. agreed. Pentagon officials no longer would permit third parties to acquire Mi-17s. They would deal with Rosoboronexport directly.
Last month, the Pentagon changed its mind. After re-evaluating, officials decided to cut 15 copters out of the 78 they had planned to buy from Moscow. Isaykin, Rosoboronexport's director general, said the decision won't hurt the export agency's bottom line.
"Rosoboronexport's order book is sufficient to ensure the steady utilization of Russian defense industrial complex's production capacities, especially in the helicopter sector, for the next three-four years," he said.
 

Friday, June 7, 2019

Obama's Crooked Deals. Follow the Money Trail People!

OBAMA GETS KICK BACKS FOR ALL HIS DEALS


Obama Regulations on For-Profit Colleges, Finance, Railroads, and Airlines All Profited His Best Friend.

Barack Obama led regulatory attacks on numerous industries during his tenure at the White House. In many cases, his regulations — ostensibly to protect the public good — tanked the stock of various companies, enabling his close friends to swoop in and buy them for pennies on the dollar. Perhaps no figure best represents this "smash and grab" technique better than Marty Nesbitt, now head of the Obama Foundation.

Nesbitt first met Obama back in the 1980s, after playing basketball with Michelle Obama's brother, Craig Robinson, at Princeton University. While at business school in Chicago, he met Obama playing basketball. When Obama ran for Congress in 2000, Nesbitt served as campaign chairman. He also fundraised for Obama's state Senate and U.S. Senate campaigns, and served as his campaign chairman in 2008.
Nesbitt's wife supposedly delivered Obama's two daughters although the rupors abound that Michelle did not birth them! His family frequently vacationed with the Obamas in Hawaii or Martha's Vineyard. Nesbitt became chairman of the Obama Foundation in 2014. The Chicago Tribune has branded Nesbitt "the First Friend."

Obama's policies enabled Nesbitt to swoop in and profit after companies felt the regulatory fire of the White House.
Nesbitt even formed a firm called Vistria, aimed to capitalize on "the nexus of the public and private sectors." He filed for the trademark shortly after Obama's reelection, and ten days before joining the Obamas for Christmas in Hawaii.
“Obama and his administration would attack industries with government power, which led to substantially lower valuations for these companies. Nesbitt and Vistria, or others close to Obama, could then acquire those assets for pennies on the dollar," Schweizer explains. Nesbitt followed this pattern in at least four industries targeted by Obama.
In 2013, President Obama turned his ire toward for-profit colleges. He declared that students were being "preyed upon very badly," and accused these schools of "making out like a bandit." For all their faults, for-profit schools have their defenders, and Nesbitt himself would later invest in America's largest one..

The Obama administration began the push in 2011, when the Department of Education (DOE) announced the so-called gainful employment rule, requiring for-profit schools to track job placements for graduates. DOE meetings to craft regulations included Deputy Education Secretary Tony Miller and Secretary Arne Duncan, both of whom would later join Vistria.

The left-leaning Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) sounded the alarm about emails showing that senior DOE officials were communicating with hedge fund investors planning to "short" for-profit stocks based on these rules.
In his second term, Obama's administration pushed "a broader series of crackdowns on the industry by agencies including the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), the Federal Trade Commission (FTC), and the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC)."
The regulatory onslaught hit Apollo Education Group, which operated America's largest for-profit college, the University of Phoenix, particularly hard. In July 2015, the FTC announced an investigation into Apollo, and in October, the Department of Defense (DOD) put the University of Phoenix on probation.
This DOD attack suspended the University of Phoenix at military bases across the country and cut off the school's $2-4 billion per year in taxpayer funds. The soldiers, sailors, and Marines attending the school lost their GI Bill benefits, leaving some bereft of housing payments — and some homeless -- as a result.
According to Schweizer, about 15 schools committed similar offenses to the University of Phoenix, but the Pentagon only suspended four of them, including this largest school.
Thanks to these attacks, Apollo's stock price dropped from $11.29 per share in October 2015 to $6.38 by January 2016. The January price represented a 90 percent drop from January 2009 when Obama took office.
The "smash" had been carried out, and it became time for the "grab." Obama-connected investors swooped in. The Wall Street firm Apollo Global Management (not previously affiliated with Apollo Education Group), another firm called Najafi Companies, and ... Marty Nesbitt's Vistria Group teamed up to buy the company. The purchase required DOE approval, but Vistria's Paul Miller used to be a senior official there.
Vistria and its partners hired an attorney to lobby the Pentagon, and the suspension was lifted in January 2016.
In December 2016, the Obama administration approved the sale, but the DOE required a few conditions — most notably a signed letter of credit valued at 25 percent of the federal funding the University of Phoenix would receive from student loans and grants. Vistria and its co-investors objected. On December 20, just weeks before Obama left office, the requirement was dropped to 10 percent.
Apollo Global Management, Najafi, and Vistria bought the University of Phoenix for just $10 a share, at $1.14 billion. Before the Obama administration's regulatory onslaught, the company was worth almost nine times that price.
Tony Miller, who had been the number two official at the DOE, became the chairman of the board. Arne Duncan set up an office at Vistria's headquarters in Chicago.

"It's ironic that a former senior official at the Department of Education — an agency that has intentionally targeted and sought to dismantle the for-profit college industry—would now take the reins at the country's largest for-profit college," said Rep. Virginia Foxx (R-Va.). Diane Jones, a DOE official under former President George W. Bush, told Schweizer these changing terms were highly unusual.
President Obama's best friend Marty Nesbitt also jumped into the financial industry after Obama's regulations brought it to heel.
The president turned his ire against the cash advance industry, which provided short-term loans to individuals and businesses. Many abuses had taken place in the industry, but in 2011 the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) reported that more than 33 million households were unbanked or underbanked. This industry plays a vital role in the economy.
Even so, under Obama, the DOJ teamed up with the CFPB in December 2012 to target what it deemed to be financial crimes. They formed a new agency, the Financial Fraud Enforcement Task Force (FFETF). The DOJ also launched Operation Choke Point in 2013, targeting banks and the business they do with payday lenders, payment processors, and other financial companies.
In response, banks terminated their accounts with payday lenders. Cash advance firms began to shrink. Regular banks stopped offering cash advances.
Amid this crackdown, however, ForwardLine Financial, a company founded in 2003 to extend alternative financing solutions to small businesses, adapted to the new rules. In October 2015, none other than Obama best friend Marty Nesbitt became FrontLine Financial's board chairman. Vistria associate Michael Castleforte also joined the board.
Early on, Vistria had hired Obama's former deputy assistant for legislative affairs, Jon Samuels. Samuels had worked on the Dodd-Frank Financial Reform Act. Fortune magazine noted Samuels' hiring at the time, reporting that he "doesn't appear to have any experience working in the financial services industry. Rather, Samuels has made his career in politics."
As of June 2017, FrontLine boasted that it finances "98% of U.S. businesses that banks consider too small and too risky for a business loan." Its competitors had been effectively smashed, and it seems FrontLine had been grabbed by Obama's best friend.
The Obama administration also targeted the railway industry, which had been deregulated back in 1980 by President Jimmy Carter. Roughly thirty years later, Obama sought to tax and regulate the industry.
In its 2012 report to the SEC, Norfolk Southern Railroad noted, "Efforts have been made over the past several years to re-subject the rail industry to increased federal economic regulation, and such efforts are expected to continue in 2013." The Surface Transportation Board (STB) became a wholly independent federal agency, with widespread control over railroads' environmental, safety, and security practices.
Mere weeks after President Obama was sworn in for his second term, Norfolk Southern announced that Obama best friend Marty Nesbitt was joining their corporate board. He had no background in railroads or transportation, but his 2015 compensation was $278,937.

Nesbitt took part in at least one other "smash and grab," Schweizer notes. Just as Obama's best friend joined the board of Norfolk Southern, American Airlines was facing bankruptcy, and announced a merger with US Airways. The Obama DOJ filed suit to stop the merger.
A whopping sixty-five Democratic congressmen and congresswomen signed a letter in support of American. While the Obama administration backed down from this attack, American Airlines struggled with the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation, and the administration launched a federal investigation into price gouging in July 2015.
American Airlines also lobbied the federal government to "shield us from competition and roll back consumer protections." On October 17, 2015, the merger between American Airlines and US Airways took place. Less than a month later, Obama's best friend Marty Nesbitt joined the board of directors.
As with Norfolk Southern, Nesbitt had no experience in the airline industry. In 2016, he took home $395,704 as a member of the board for American Airlines.
"Today, as chairman of the Obama Foundation, Marty Nesbitt is, as Politico puts it, 'the man building Barack Obama's future.' From an empire-building perspective, this payback makes sense, given that Obama has already helped Nesbitt build his legacy," Schweizer concludes.
Schweizer includes many stories of Obama's "smash and grab" technique. "A circle of investors including Vistria and others linked to Obama would consistently purchase companies in these sectors once their valuations dropped under the government onslaught," the author writes. Other investors besides Nesbitt cashed in on the financial crackdown, and many more made bank in the energy industry thanks to new regulations.
Nesbitt is far from alone, but as Obama's friend and the head of the Obama Foundation, his corruption proves particularly egregious. In his powerful book, Schweizer also reveals multiple scandals involving Vice President Joe Biden, Secretary of State John Kerry, leading congressmen,